Until 2010, Westminster had been dominated by both Labour and the Conservatives for decades, while minor parties had very little influence. Most people would strongly argue that they are the only two parties in Westminster who have a realistic chance of winning power. However, the last decade in UK politics has shown us unprecedented times such as the turmoil over Brexit, the confusion and chaos that comes with coalitions and the increase in nationalism around the union. All of these complications share one thing in common, they have been great for minor parties.
Minor parties have and can affect the policies of both the Labour party and Conservative party. As evidenced by the predicament of Brexit. Support for a referendum on the UK’s membership of the EU was increasingly becoming popular as illustrated in the success UKIP was set to achieve, where polls had predicted they would gain around 13% of the vote in the upcoming 2015 general election. This was clear evidence to David Cameron and the Conservatives that if they wanted to win back some of these voters in future elections, they must offer a referendum. As a result, in the 2015 conservative manifesto, Cameron offered a ‘in or out referendum by the end of 2017’.
Since 2010, we have seen a coalition and a confidence and supply agreement. When coalitions and informal agreements such as confidence and supply occur, the minor party has proven pivotal in keeping the government functional and been able to implement parts of their manifesto. During the Conservative – Lib Dem coalition, we saw the government cut taxes for millions of people as well as increasing the state pension fund, something that some people argue, including Nick Clegg, would not have happened if the Conservatives won a majority.
After the 2017 general election, when Theresa May failed to achieve an outright majority for the conservatives, the confidence and supply agreement she made with the DUP allowed her to govern effectively and fight off any challenges to her leadership. For example, in January 2019, Jeremy Corbyn tabled a vote of no confidence in May’s leadership. One she would not have been able to win without her agreement with the DUP.
With nationalism on the rise in Scotland, smaller parties have a much better chance at winning some form of power and fulfilling their agendas further. In 2015, the SNP increased their seats in Westminster by 50, limiting the power of the Conservative and Labour party further by reducing their influence in Parliament. In addition, the SNP are set to win a record breaking majority in the upcoming Scottish parliament elections, something that is very difficult to do given the proportional electoral system, strengthening their proposal of independence further.
On the contrary, some would argue that even though minor parties have played a more significant role in the last decade, the extent of their power and influence is limited due to the national electoral system. First past the post means that the candidate with the most amount of votes, wins the seat. Therefore, if there are multiple candidates in a constituency, and the candidate with the most votes received 40%, they would win the seat. Even though a majority of the total votes cast did not go to that candidate. A case can be made that the SNP surge we saw in the 2015 general election, does not necessarily mean that the call for Scottish independence has increased amongst the Scottish electorate, as some would argue that an even larger amount of voters, did not vote SNP.
In addition, a second example of how FPTP limits the success of minor parties can be evidenced by looking at UKIP’s performance in the 2015 general election. As the polls suggested, UKIP did win close to 13% of the total votes cast, a significant share. However, this resulted in UKIP winning only one seat. FPTP limits the extent to how significant minor parties really can be.
As a result of the cases above, it is clear that minor parties do play a significant role in UK politics. As evidenced by the influence UKIP had over determining the Conservative party policy towards the EU and ultimately, some would argue, causing Brexit. Also, by looking at how minority governments and partnerships such as coalitions and confidence and supply agreements, lead to further influence from minor parties towards government policy and in keeping the government functionable. The success of nationalist movements in parts of the Union such as Scotland also led to minor parties gaining more power in Westminster. All of these cases allow for minor parties to play a more significant role in our political system. However, an argument can be made that minor parties and their power and influence are limited due to factors like the electoral system.
Despite FPTP, minor parties have played a more significant role in the last decade. However, if minor parties want to play a more significant role in the future, a more proportional system is needed.
Taylor is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue.